The
Thirteenth Tribe
THE KHAZAR EMPIRE AND
ITS HERITAGE
Arthur Koestler
|
Note: This
author and his wife were found dead in their home. Despite
strong evidence to the contrary, it was ruled a double suicide.
A motive for their murder is apparent. It is further apparent
that someone took this book seriously.
|
Appendices
3: THE "KHAZAR CORRESPONDENCE"
1
THE exchange of letters between the Spanish statesman Hasdai ibn
Shaprut and King Joseph of Khazaria has for a long time fascinated
historians. It is true that, as Dunlop wrote, "the importance of
the Khazar Correspondence can be exaggerated. By this time it is
possible to reconstruct Khazar history in some detail without recourse
to the letters of Hasdai and Joseph."1 Nevertheless, the reader
may be interested in a brief outline of what is known of the history
of these documents. .Hasdai's Letter was apparently written between
954 and 961, for the embassy from Eastern Europe that he mentions
(Chapter III,3-4) is believed to have visited Cordoba in 954, and
Caliph Abd-al-Rahman, whom he mentions as his sovereign, ruled till
961. That the Letter was actually penned by Hasdai's secretary,
Menahem ben-Sharuk - whose name appears in the acrostic after Hasdai's
- has been established by Landau,2 through comparison with Menahem's
other surviving work. Thus the authenticity of Hasdai's Letter is
no longer in dispute, while the evidence concerning Joseph's Reply
is necessarily more indirect and complex. .The earliest known mentions
of the Correspondence date from the eleventh and twelfth centuries.
Around the year 1100 Rabbi Jehudah ben Barzillai of Barcelona wrote
in Hebrew his "Book of the Festivals" - Sefer ha-Ittim
- which contains a long reference, including direct quotations,
to Joseph's Reply to Hasdai. The passage in question in Barzillai's
work starts as follows:
-
We have seen among some other manuscripts the copy of a letter
which King Joseph, son of Aaron, the Khazar priest wrote to
R. Hasdai bar Isaac.*[Hasdai's name in Hebrew was bar Isaac
bar Shaprut. The R (for Rabbi) is a courtesy title.] We do not
know if the letter is genuine or not, and ifit is a fact that
the Khazars, who are Turks, became proselytes. It is not definite
whether all that is written in the letter is fact and truth
or not. There may be falsehoods written in it, or people may
have added to it, or there may be error on the part of the scribe....
The reason why we need to write in this our book things which
seem to be exaggerated is that we have found in the letter of
this king Joseph to R. Hasdai that R. Hasdai had asked him of
what family he was, the condition of the king, how his fathers
had been gathered under the wings of the Presence [i.e., become
converted to Judaism] and how great were his kingdom and dominion.
He replied to him on every head, writing all the particulars
in the letter.3
Barzillai goes on to quote or paraphrase further passages from
Joseph's Reply, thus leaving no doubt that the Reply was already
in existence as early as AD 1100. A particularly convincing touch
is added by the Rabbi's scholarly scepticism. Living in provincial
Barcelona, he evidently knew little or nothing about the Khazars.
.About the time when Rabbi Barzillai wrote, the Arab chronicler,
Ibn Hawkal, also heard some rumours about Hasdai's involvement with
the Khazars. There survives an enigmatic note, which Ibn Hawkal
jotted down on a manuscript map, dated AH 479 - AD 1086. It says:
-
Hasdai ibn-Ishaq*[Arab version of Hasdai's name.] thinks that
this great long mountain [the Caucasus] is connected with the
mountains of Armenia and traverses the country of the Greeks,
extending to Khazaran and the mountains of Armenia. He was well
informed about these parts because he visited them and met their
principal kings and leading men.4
It seems most unlikely that Hasdai actually visited Khazaria; but
we remember that he offered to do so in his Letter, and that Joseph
enthusiastically welcomed the prospect in the Reply; perhaps the
industrious Hawkal heard some gossip about the Correspondence and
extrapolated from there, a practice not unfamiliar among the chroniclers
of the time. .Some fifty years later (AD 1140) Jehudah Halevi wrote
his philosophical tract "The Khazars" (Kuzri). As already
said, it contains little factual information, but his account of
the Khazar conversion to Judaism agrees in broad outlines with that
given by Joseph in the Reply. Halevi does not explicitly refer to
the Correspondence, but his book is mainly concerned with theology,
disregarding any historical or factual references. He had probably
read a transcript of the Correspondence as the less erudite Barzillai
had before him, but the evidence is inconclusive. .It is entirely
conclusive, however, in the case of Abraham ben Daud (cf. above,
II, 8) whose popular Sefer ha-Kabbalah, written in 1161,
contains the following passage:
-
You will find congregations of Israel spread abroad from the
town of Sala at the extremity of the Maghrib, as far as Tahart
at its commencement, the extremity of Africa [Ifriqiyah, Tunis],
in all Africa, Egypt, the country of the Sabaeans, Arabia, Babylonia,
Elam, Persia, Dedan, the country of the Girgashites which is
called Jurjan, Tabaristan, as far as Daylam and the river Itil
where live the Khazar peoples who became proselytes. Their king
Joseph sent a letter to R. Hasdai, the Prince bar Isaac ben-Shaprut
and informed him that he and all his people followed the Rabbanite
faith. We have seen in Toledo some of their descendants, pupils
of the wise, and they told us that the remnant of them followed
the Rabbanite faith.5
2
The first printed version of the Khazar Correspondence is contained
in a Hebrew pamphlet, Kol Mebasser, "Voice of the Messenger
of Good News".*[Two copies of the pamphlet belonging to two different
editions are preserved in the Bodleian Library.] It was published
in Constantinople in or around 1577 by Isaac Abraham Akrish. In
his preface Akrish relates that during his travels in Egypt fifteen
years earlier he had heard rumours of an independent Jewish kingdom
(these rumours probably referred to the Falashas of Abyssinia);
and that subsequently he obtained "a letter which was sent to the
king of the Khazars, and the king's reply". He then decided to publish
this correspondence in order to raise the spirits of his fellow
Jews. Whether or not he thought that Khazaria still existed is not
clear. At any rate the preface is followed by the text of the two
letters, without further comment. .But the Correspondence did not
remain buried in Akrish's obscure little pamphlet. Some sixty years
after its publication, a copy of it was sent by a friend to Johannes
Buxtorf the Younger, a Calvinist scholar of great erudition. Buxtorf
was an expert Hebraist, who published a great amount of studies
in biblical exegesis and rabbinical literature. When he read Akrish's
pamphlet, he was at first as sceptical regarding the authenticity
of the Correspondence as Rabbi Barzillai had been five hundred years
before him. But in 1660 Buxtorf finally printed the text of both
letters in Hebrew and in a Latin translation as an addendum to Jehudah
Halevi's book on the Khazars. It was perhaps an obvious, but not
a happy idea, for the inclusion, within the same covers, of Halevi's
legendary tale hardly predisposed historians to take the Correspondence
seriously. It was only in the nineteenth century that their attitude
changed, when more became known, from independent sources, about
the Khazars.
3
The only manuscript version which contains both Hasdai's
Letter and Joseph's Reply, is in the library of Christ Church in
Oxford. According to Dunlop and the Russian expert, Kokovtsov,6
the manuscript "presents a remarkably close similarity to the printed
text" and "served directly or indirectly as a source of the printed
text".7 It probably dates from the sixteenth century and is believed
to have been in the possession of the Dean of Christ Church, John
Fell (whom Thomas Brown immortalized with his "I do not love thee,
Dr Fell..."). .Another manuscript containing Joseph's Reply but
not Hasdai's Letter is preserved in the Leningrad Public Library.
It is considerably longer than the printed text of Akrish and the
Christ Church manuscript; accordingly it is generally known as the
Long Version, as distinct from the Akrish-Christ Church "Short Version",
which appears to be an abbreviation of it. The Long Version is also
considerably older; it probably dates from the thirteenth century,
the Short Version from the sixteenth. The Soviet historian Ribakov8
has plausibly suggested that the Long Version - or an even older
text - had been edited and compressed by mediaeval Spanish copyists
to produce the Short Version of Joseph's Reply. lAt this point we
encounter a red herring across the ancient track. The Long Version
is part of the so-called "Firkowich Collection" of Hebrew manuscripts
and epitaphs in the Leningrad Public Library. It probably came from
the Cairo Geniza, where a major part of the manuscripts in the Collection
originated. Abraham Firkowich was a colourful nineteenth-century
scholar who would deserve an Appendix all to himself. He was a great
authority in his field, but he was also a Karaite zealot who wished
to prove to the Tsarist government that the Karaites were different
from orthodox Jews and should not be discriminated against by Christians.
With this laudable purpose in mind, he doctored some of his authentic
old manuscripts and epitaphs, by interpolating or adding a few words
to give them a Karaite slant. Thus the Long Version, having passed
through the hands of Firkowich, was greeted with a certain mistrust
when it was found, after his death, in a bundle of other manuscripts
in his collection by the Russian historian Harkavy. Harkavy had
no illusions about Firkowich's reliability, for he himself had previously
denounced some of Firkowich's spurious interpolations.9 Yet Harkavy
had no doubts regarding the antiquity of the manuscript; he published
it in the original Hebrew in 1879 and also in Russian and German
translation,10 accepting it as an early version of Joseph's letter,
from which the Short Version was derived. Harkavy's colleague (and
rival) Chwolson concurred that the whole document was written by
the same hand and that it contained no additions of any kind.11
Lastly, in 1932, the Russian Academy published Paul Kokovtsov's
authoritative book, The Hebrew-Khazar Correspondence in the
Tenth Century12 including facsimiles of the Long Version of
the Reply in the Leningrad Library, the Short Version in Christ
Church and in Akrish's pamphlet. After a critical analysis of the
three texts, he came to the conclusion that both the Long and the
Short Versions are based on the same original text, which is in
general, though not always, more faithfully preserved in the Long
Version.
4
Kokovtsov's critical survey, and particularly his publication of
the manuscript facsimiles, virtually settled the controversy - which,
anyway, affected only the Long Version, but not Hasdai's letter
and the Short Version of the Reply. .Yet a voice of dissent was
raised from an unexpected quarter. In 1941 Poliak advanced the theory
that the Khazar Correspondence was, not exactly a forgery, but a
fictional work written in the tenth century with the purpose of
spreading information about, or making propaganda for, the Jewish
kingdom.13 (It could not have been written later than the eleventh
century, for, as we have seen, Rabbi Barzillai read the Correspondence
about 1100, and Ibn Daud quoted from it in 1161). But this theory,
plausible at first glance, was effectively demolished by Landau
and Dunlop. Landau was able to prove that Hasdai's Letter was indeed
written by his secretary Menahem ben-Sharuk. And Dunlop pointed
out that in the Letter Hasdai asks a number of questions about Khazaria
which Joseph fails to answer - which is certainly not the way to
write an information pamphlet:
-
There is no answer forthcoming on the part of Joseph to enquiries
as to his method of procession to his place of worship, and
as to whether war abrogates the Sabbath.... There is a marked
absence of correspondence between questions of the Letter and
answers given in the Reply. This should probably be regarded
as an indication that the documents are what they purport to
be and not a literary invention.14
Dunlop goes on to ask a pertinent question:
Why the Letter of Hasdai at all, which, though considerably longer
than the Reply of Joseph, has very little indeed about the Khazars,
if the purpose of writing it and the Reply was, as Poliak supposes,
simply to give a popular account of Khazaria? If the Letter is an
introduction to the information about the Khazars in the Reply,
it is certainly a very curious one - full of facts about Spain and
the Umayyads which have nothing to do with Khazaria.15
Dunlop then clinches the argument by a linguistic test which proves
conclusively that the Letter and the Reply were written by different
people. The proof concerns one of the marked characteristics of
Hebrew grammar, the use of the so-called "waw- conversive", to define
tense. I shall not attempt to explain this intricate grammatical
quirk,*[The interested reader may consult Weingreen, J., A Practical
Grammar for Classical Hebrew, 2nd ed, (Oxford, 1959)] and shall
instead simply quote Dunlop's tabulation of the different methods
used in the Letter and in the Long Version to designate past action:16
|
|
Waw Conversive
with Imperfect
|
|
|
Hasdai's Letter
|
|
|
|
Reply (Long Version)
|
|
|
In the Short Version of the Reply, the first method (Hasdai's)
is used thirty-seven times, the second fifty times. But the Short
Version uses the first method mostly in passages where the wording
differs from the Long Version. Dunlop suggests that this is due
to later Spanish editors paraphrasing the Long Version. He also
points out that Hasdai's Letter, written in Moorish Spain, contains
many Arabisms (for instance, al-Khazar for the Khazars), whereas
the Reply has none. Lastly, concerning the general tenor of the
Correspondence, he says:
-
... Nothing decisive appears to have been alleged anainst the
factual contents of the Reply of Joseph in its more original
form, the Long Version. The stylistic difference supports its
authenticity. It is what might be expected in documents emanating
from widely separated parts of the Jewish world, where also
the level of culture was by no means the same. It is perhaps
allowable here to record the impression, for what it is worth,
that in general the language of the Reply is less artificial,
more naive, than that of the Letter.17
To sum up, it is difficult to understand why past historians were
so reluctant to believe that the Khazar Kagan was capable of dictating
a letter, though it was known that he corresponded with the Byzantine
Emperor (we remember the seals of three solidi); or that pious Jews
in Spain and Egypt should have diligently copied and preserved a
message from the only Jewish king since biblical times.
|